No Acts & Articles mentioned in this case
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U.N.R.RAO
v.
SMT. INDIRA GANDW
March 17, 1971
[S. M. SIK.RI, C.J., G. K. MITTER, K. S. HEGDE, A. N. GROVER
AND P. JAGANMOHAN REDDY, JJ.]
Constitution of India, 1950, Arts. 74(1) and 75(3)-House ~t People
dissolved-If Prime Minister ceases to hold office.
The House of the People was dissolved by the President of lndia on
27th December 1970. On the question whether the respondent, whe was
the Prime Minister before the dissolution, ceased to bold office thereafter,
HELD : There
is nothing in the Constitution and in particular in Art.
75(3)
~·hich renders the respondent functioning as Prime Minister contrary
to the Constitution.
The Indian
Constitution establishes a Parliamentary system of Gov
ernment with a Cabinet. and not a Presidential form. Article 75(3) brings
into existence responsible Government, that is, the Council
of Ministers
must enjoy the confidence
of the House of the
People. In the context, it
can only mean that Art.
75(3) applies when the House of the People does
not stand dissolved or prorogued, for. when it is dissolved, the Council
of Ministers cannot naturally enjoy the confidence of the Ho.use.
Rut such
dissolution
of the House does not require that the
Prime Minister and
other ministers must resign,
or cease to hold office or must be
dismiised
by the President, because, Art. 74(1) is mandatory and the President can·
not exercise his executive power withoQt the aid and advice of the Council
of Ministers, with the Prime Minister at the head. [51 B-C, D-H]
This view
is also in accordance with the conventions
follo~ved not
only
in the
United Kingdom but in the countries following a similar system
of responsible government.
[52 D]
CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION : Civil Appeal No. 196 of
1971.
Appeal from the judgment and order dated January 21-and
February
5, 1971 of the Madras High Court in Writ Petition No.
63 of 1971.
The appellant appeared in person.
G N iren De, Attorney-General, R. H. Dhebar, Ram
Panjwal'i,
H
J. B. Dadachanji, 0. C. Mathur and Ravinder Narain, for the res
pondent.
Niren De, Attorney General, Ram Panjwani, R. H. Dhebar
and S P. Nayar, for the Union of India.
ORDER
The appeal is dismissed. No order as to costs. We will give
our reasons later.
U. N. R .. RAO v. Sl(T. INDIRA GANDHI (Sikri, C. J.)
The Judgment of the Court was delivered by
Sikri, c. J.-This appeal by certificate is directed against the
judgment
of the High Court of Judicature at
Ma-Oras dismissing
Writ Petition No.
63 of 1971 filed by
U. N. R. Rao. appellant
before
us. In this petition the appellant had prayed that a writ
of
qua warranto be issued to the respondent,
Smt. Indira Gandhi,
and it be declared that the respondent has
no constitutional
autho.
rity to hold the office of and to function as Prime Minister of
India.
In brief, the appellant contends that under the Constitution
as soon
as the House of the People is dissolved under art. 85(2)
of the Constitution the Council of Ministers,
i.e., the Prime
Minister and other Ministers, cease
to hold. office. According to
him this follows plainly from the wording of art. 75(3), which
pro.
vidcs that "the Council of Ministers shall be collectively respon·
sible to the House of the People". How can the Council of
Ministers be responsible to the House of the People when it has
been dissolved under art. 85(2)
? According to him no void in
the carrying out of Government will be created because the
Presi
dent can exercise the Executive Power of the Union either directly
or through officers subordinate in accordance with the Constitution
as provided in a1t. 53(1) of the Constitution.
In constitutional matters it· is advisable to decide only those
points which necessarily arise for determination on the facts of the
case.
It seems to us that a very narrow point arises on the facts
of
the present case. The House of the People was dissolved by
the President on 27-12-1970. The respondent was the Prime
Mir.ister before the dissolution. Is there anything in the Consti
tution, and in particular in art. 75(3), which renders her carrying on
as Prime Minister contrary to the Constitution
? It was said that ·we must interpret Art. 75(3) according to its own terms regardless
of the conventions that prevail in the United Kingdom. If the
words
of an article are clear, notwithstanding any relevant
con
vention, effect will no doubt be given to the words. But it must
be remembered that we are interpreting a Constitution imd not
an Act of Parliament, a Constitution which establishes a Parlia
mentary system of Government with a Cabinet. In trying to
understand one may
well keep in mind the conventions
preva
ler.t at the time the Constitution was framed.
Speaking for the Court (Mukherjea,
C. J.) observed in Ram
Jawaya Kapur v. State of Punjab('). "The limits within which the executive Government
can function under the Indian Constituton can
be
ascer
tained without much difficulty by reference to the form
(I) [!9SSJ 2 S. C.R. 225, 236-37.
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of the executive which our Constitution has 11et up. Our
Constitution, though federal in its structure, is modelled
on the British Parliamentary system where the executive
is deemed to have the primary responsibility for the
for
mulation of governmental policy and its transmission
into law though the condition precedent to the exercise
of this responsibility
is its retaining the confidence of the
legislative branch of the
State. The executive function
comprises both the determination of the policy as well as
carrying it into execution. This evidently includes the
initiation of legislation, the maintenance of order, the pro
motion of social and economic welfare, the direction of
foreign policy, in fact the carrying on or supervision
of the general administration of the State.
In India, as in England, the executive has to act
subject
to the control of the legislature; but in what wav
is this control exercisable by the legislature ? Under
article
53(1) of our Constitution, the executive power of
the Union
is vested in the President 'but under article 75
there is to be a Council of Ministers with the Prime
Minister at the head
to aid and advise the President
in the exercise of his functions. The President has
thus been made
31 formal or constitutional head of
the executive and the real executive powers are vest-
ed
in the Ministers or the Cabinet. The same
pro
visions obtain in regard to the Government of States;
the Governor or the Rajpramukh,
as the case may be,
occupies the position of the head of the executive in the State but it is virtually the Council of Ministers in each
State that carries on the executive Government. In the
Indian Constitution, therefore,
we have the same system
of parliamentary executive as in England and the Council
of Ministers
consistinJg, as it does, of the members of the
legislature
is, like the British Cabinet,
"a hyphen which
joins, a buckle which fastens the legislative part of the
State to the executive pMt". The Cabinet enjoying, as it
does, a majority
in the legislature concentrates in itself
the virtual control of both legislative and executive
func
tions; and as the Ministers constituting the Cabinet are
presumably agreed on fundamentals and act
on the
prin
ciple of collective responsibility, the most important
questions of policy are all formulated by them."
In A. Sanjeevi Naidu v. State of Madras (') ii
H was urged on behalf of the appellants in case that, "the Parlia
ment has conferred power under Section 68(C) of the <Motor
(!)A. I. R. 1970 S. C. !102, l!06.
U. N. R. RAO v. SMT. INDIRA GANDHI (Sikri C.J.)
Vehicles Act, 1939) to a design!>ted authority. The power can
be exercised only by that authority and by no one else. The
authority concerned in the present case
is the
State Government.
The Government could not have delegated its statutory functions
to any one else. The Government ·means the Governor aided and
advised
by his Ministers. Therefore the required opinion should
have been formed
by the Minister to whom the business had been
allocated by 'the Rules'.
It
W36 further urged that if the func
tions of the Government can be discharged
by any one else then 1he doctrine of ministerial responsibility, which is the very essence
of the cabinet form of Government disappears; such a situation
is
impermissible under our Constitution."
Speaking
on behalf of the Court, Hegde J., repelled the con
tentions in the following words :
"We think that the above submissions advanced on
behalf of the appellants are without force and are based
on a misconception of the principles underlying our Con
stitution. Under our Constitution, the Governor is essen
tially a constitutional head, the administration of State
is run by the Council of Ministers. But in the very
nature
of things, it is impossible for the Council of Minis-
ters
to deal with eacli and every matter that comes before
the Government. In order to obviate that difficulty the
Constitution has authorized the Governor under
sub
article 3 of Article 166 to make rules for the more con
venient transaction of business of the Government of the
State and for the allocation amongst its Ministers, the
business of the Government. All matters excepting those
in which Governor
is required to act in his discretion
have to be allocated to one or the other of the
M"misters
on the advice of the Chief Minister. Apart from allocat
ing business ampng the Ministers,
the Governor can also
make rules on the advice of his Council of Ministers for
more convenient transaction of business. He can, not
only allocate the various subjects amongst the Ministers
but may
go further and designate a particular official to
discharge any particular function. But this again he can
do only on the advice
of the Council of Ministers.
The Cabinet
is responsible to the legislature for
every action taken in any of the Ministries. That
is the
essence of joint responsibility."
Let
us now look at the relevant articles of the Con-
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stitution in the context of which we must interpret art. H
75(3) of the Constitution. Chapter I of Part V of the
"-1 SC India/71
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SUPR'EldE COURT REPOR1S (1971] .mPP. S.C.ll
Constitution deal~ with the Executive. Article 52 pro
vides that there shall be a President of India and Art.
53(1) vests the executive power of the Union in the Presi
dent a·nd provides that it shall be exercised by him either
directly or through officers subordinate to him in accord
ance with this Constitution. The last five words are im
portant inasmuch as they control the Presidei;it's action
under Article 53()). Any exercise of the executive
power not in accordance with the Constitution will be
liable to
be
set aside. There is no doubt that the Presi
dent of India is a person who has to be elected in
accordance with the relevant provisions of the Constitu
tion but even so he is bound by the provisions of ihe
Constitution. Article 60 prescribes the oath or affirma
tion which the President has to take. It reads :
"I, A. B., do swear in the name of God/solemnlv
affirm that I will faithfullv execute the office of President
(or discharge the functions of the President) of India and
will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend
the Constitution and the law and that I
will devote
my
self to the service and well-being of the people o! India".
Articles 74 and 75 deals with the Council of Mini
sters. They read thus :
"74. (I) There shall be a Council of Ministers with
the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise
the
President in the exercise of his functions.
(2) The question whether any, and if so what, advice
was tendered by Ministers to the President shall not be
inquired into in any court.
75.
(I) The Prime Minister shall be appointed by
the President and the other Ministers shall be appointed
by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister.
(2) The Ministers shall hold office during the
plea
sure of the President.
(3) The Council of Ministers shall be collectively
responsible to the House of the People.
(4) Before a Minister enters upon his office, the
Pre
sident shall administer to him the oaths of office and of
secrecy according to the
forms set out for the purpose
in
the Third schedule.
(5) A Minister who for any period of six
consecu
tive months is not a member of either House of Parlia
ment shall at the expiration of that period cease to lie
a Minister.
U. N. R. RAO 1. SMT. INDIRA GANDHI (Sikri C. J.)
(7) The salaries and allowances of Ministers shall
be such as Parliament may from time to time by law
determine and, until Parliament to determines, shall
be
as specified in the Second
Schedule".
It will be noticed that article 74(1) is mandatory in form.
We are unable to agree with the appellant that in the context the
word "shall" should be read as "may". Article 52 is mandatory.
Jn other words 'there shall
be a President of India'. So is article
74 (!). The Constituent Assembly did not choose the Presidential
system of Government. If we were to give effect to this
conten
tion of the appellant we would be changing the whole concept of
the Executive.
It would mean that the President need not have
a
Prime Minister and Ministers to aid and advise in the exercise
of his functions. As there would be no 'Councii of Ministers'
nobody
would be responsible to the House of the
People. With
the aid of advisers
he would be able to rule the countrv at least till he is impeached under Article 61.
It seems to us that we must read the word "shall" as mean
ing "shall' and not "may". If Article 74(1) is read in this manner
the rest of the provisions dealing with the Executive must
be read
in harmony with. Indeed they fall into
place. Under Article
75(!) the President appoints the Prime Minister and appoints the
other Ministers
on the advice of the Prime Minister, and under art.
75(2) they hold office during the pleasure of the President. The
President
has not said that it is his
pleasure· that the respondent
shall not hold
office.
Now comes the crucial clause three of Article 75. The
appel
lant urges that the House of People having been dissolved this
clause cannot
be complied with. According to him it follows
from the provisions. of this clause that it was. contemplated that
on the dissolution of the House of
People the Prime Minister and
the other ministers must resign or
be dismissed by the President
and the President must carry on the Government as best as he can
with the aid of the
Services. As we have shown above, Article
74(1) is mandatory and. therefore. the
President cannot nerciRe
the executive power without the aid and advice of the Council
of Ministers. We must then harmonise the provisions of Article
75(3) with Article 74(!) and Article 75(2). Article 75(3) brings
into existence what is usually called "Responsible Government".
Ip other words the Council of Ministers must enjoy the confidence
of the House of People. While the House of People is not dis
solved under Article 85(2)(b), Article 75(3) has full operation. But
when °it is dissolved the Council of Ministers cannot naturally
enjoy the confidence of the House of People. Nobody has said
that the Council of Ministers
does not
enjoy the confidence of
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the House of Peaple when it is prorogued. In the context, there
fore, this clause must be read as meaning that Article 75(3) only
applies when the House of People does not stand dissolved
or
prorogued. We are not
coll(:emed with the case where dissolu
tion of the House of People takes place under Article 83(2) on the
expiration of the period of
five years prescribed therein, for
Par·
liament has provided for that contingency in S. 14 of the Repr<
sentation of Peoples Act, 1951.
On our interpretation other articles of the Constitution ab<>
have full play; e.g. Article 77(3) which contemplates allocation of
business among Ministers, and Article
78 which prescribes
certafa
duties of Prime Minister.
We are grateful to the learned Attorney General and the
appellant for having supplied
to us compilations containing
extracts from various books
on Constitutional Law and extracts
from the debates in the Constituent Assembly.
We need 11ot
bur
den this judgment with them. But on the whole we receive
assurance from the learned authors and
.the speeches that the view wr have taken is the right one, and is in accordance with con
ventions followed not only in the United Kingdom but in other
countries following a similar
system of responsible Government.
In the result the appeal fails and is
dismisst:d, but there will
be no order as to costs in this Court.
V.P.S. Appeal dismissed.
The landmark Supreme Court judgment in U. N. R. Rao v. Smt. Indira Gandhi (1971) stands as a cornerstone of Indian constitutional law, definitively settling a critical question regarding the Dissolution of Lok Sabha and its impact on the Council of Ministers' Tenure. This pivotal case, available for comprehensive review on CaseOn, addressed whether the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers must resign immediately after the House of the People is dissolved by the President. The Court’s ruling affirmed the continuity of governance, ensuring that the nation is never left in a constitutional vacuum without an executive body.
The case arose from a straightforward sequence of political events. On December 27, 1970, the President of India, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister, dissolved the House of the People (Lok Sabha) under Article 85(2) of the Constitution. Following this dissolution, Smt. Indira Gandhi continued to function as the Prime Minister. The appellant, U. N. R. Rao, challenged her authority by filing a writ of quo warranto in the Madras High Court, questioning by what constitutional authority she held the office of Prime Minister when the very House to which her government was responsible no longer existed. After the High Court dismissed the petition, the matter reached the Supreme Court on appeal.
The central legal question before the Supreme Court was: Does the Council of Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister, automatically cease to hold office upon the dissolution of the House of the People?
The Court's decision revolved around the interpretation and harmonious construction of several key articles of the Indian Constitution:
The appellant's argument was rooted in a literal interpretation of Article 75(3). He contended that if the Council of Ministers is to be “collectively responsible to the House of the People,” then its existence is contingent on the existence of the House itself. Once the House is dissolved, the foundation of this responsibility disappears, and therefore, the Council of Ministers cannot legally continue in office. He suggested that in such a scenario, the President could manage the country’s affairs under Article 53(1) with the help of civil servants until a new government was sworn in.
The Supreme Court, however, rejected this narrow interpretation, adopting a broader, more purposive approach. The bench, led by Chief Justice S. M. Sikri, delivered a profound analysis based on the fundamental structure of India's government.
The Court emphasized that the Constitution establishes a Parliamentary system of government, not a Presidential one. A core feature of this system is that the President is a constitutional head who must act on the aid and advice of a Council of Ministers. The appellant’s contention, if accepted, would effectively transform the system into a Presidential one during the interim period between dissolution and new elections, which was never the intention of the framers.
The Court masterfully harmonized the seemingly conflicting provisions. It held that Article 74(1) is a mandatory and permanent provision. The use of the word "shall" signifies that the existence of a Council of Ministers is not optional; it is a constitutional necessity at all times. The President cannot exercise executive power without the aid and advice of the ministers. This ensures there is never an executive vacuum.
On the other hand, Article 75(3) was interpreted as a principle that applies only when the House of the People is in session or has not been dissolved. The Court reasoned that collective responsibility cannot be enforced when the House does not exist. Therefore, the dissolution of the House merely suspends the enforcement of this responsibility, but it does not extinguish the Council of Ministers itself. The ministers continue to hold office at the pleasure of the President, as stipulated in Article 75(2), and provide the necessary aid and advice under Article 74(1).
Dissecting the harmonious construction of these articles can be complex. For legal professionals on the go, CaseOn.in provides 2-minute audio briefs that concisely summarize the court's reasoning in pivotal rulings like this, making it easier to grasp the core analysis.
The Court also found support for its view in the established constitutional conventions of the United Kingdom and other countries with similar parliamentary systems. In these democracies, the incumbent government continues to function in a "caretaker" capacity after the dissolution of the parliament until a new government is formed post-elections. This ensures stability and continuity of administration.
The Supreme Court dismissed the appeal and held that there is nothing in the Constitution that requires the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers to resign or cease holding office upon the dissolution of the Lok Sabha. The Court affirmed that the President must always have a Council of Ministers to aid and advise him, as mandated by Article 74(1). The principle of collective responsibility under Article 75(3) applies only when the House is in existence. Thus, Smt. Indira Gandhi’s continuation as Prime Minister was constitutionally valid.
In essence, the Supreme Court in U. N. R. Rao v. Smt. Indira Gandhi established that the Indian constitutional framework does not permit a governance gap. By reading Article 74(1) as a mandatory and perpetual requirement, the Court ensured that the President is never without a Council of Ministers. It clarified that Article 75(3) relates to the accountability of the government to a functioning legislature and does not serve as a termination clause for the government upon the legislature's dissolution. This judgment cemented the role of the incumbent government as a caretaker government during the period between the dissolution of the House and the formation of a new one.
Disclaimer: The information provided in this article is for informational purposes only and is not intended as legal advice. For specific legal queries, it is recommended to consult with a qualified legal professional.
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